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Manhattan Loft Guy

Sep. 12, 2006 - more not-staying-the-same, East Village edition / will a developer develop?

maybe they are diversifying down?
Gothamist is calling the new nabe Extell-land, referring to the East Village area bounded by 10th and 14th Sts, 2d Av and Av B, since the Extell Development Corporation bought 17 buildings in that grid. The NY Post has the detail that the buildings were bought for (only?) $72.6mm from a single landlord, and consist of 253 rent-regulated apartments in the four and five story tenements.

 (per Gothamist.com)

let’s just say that Extell did not make its name collecting controlled rent
Extell was the developer recruited by Ratner’s Atlantic Yards opponents who bid a basketful of money (pun intended!) for the right to develop the Atlantic Yards, and lost to ForestCity’s smaller basket. Extell is building the twin “Ariel”s on the Upper West Side, where most apartments are going from the high $1s to the low $4s (that’s millions, of course). Then there is the condo conversion of the Stanhope Hotel across from the Met, where the “smaller units” (everything is relative) run more than 4,000 sq ft and go for $10mm+.

 
what would Bert & Ernie say (or sing)?
I really don’t remember my CTV enough to know who sang“one of these things is not like the other”, but if Bert, Ernie, Oscar or any of the Muppets looked at (a) Atlantic Yards, (b) Ariel East or West, (c) the Stanhope, and (d) the East Village (pick a block) even a stick and cloth figure would recognize that Extell is probably not going to engage in regulated tenement rentals for long.
 
how do you stop a developed from developing? Cooper Sq Comm is trying to find out
Something about this is coming up at a Community Board meeting on September 19.
 
Steven Herrick, executive director of the Cooper Square Committee, is no Muppet, but he can sing the song:
 
"This type of acquisition, tenement housing, is a big departure from what Extell has done before"…
 
and
 
"Luxury development is unacceptable in our community, which has historically been primarily the working poor," he said [in the Post].
 
same plan, different class, 60 years later?
StuyvesantTown and PeterCooperVillage may be one thing (PCV is across 14th St from “Extell-land”); Alphabet City is quite another. Indeed, as I blogged a week ago, “Extell-land” is what Stuy Town and PC Village used to look like, before Met Life assembled, demolished, and developed those middle class havens. The current Alphabet City is more “working poor” (according to un-Muppet Steven Herrick) than the same area sixty years ago (according to Prof. Zipp). Whether it remains that way, remains to be seen.
 
Of course, things just don’t stay the same. But this should be a donnybrook. Tune in after September 19….
 
© Sandy Mattingly 2006
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Sep. 7, 2006 - the scale is immense / 5 year NYC population changes

 
Today’s Times has a piece about New Yorkers who were here “then” and New Yorkers who are new. I don’t know if I can deal with blogging about “then” (we’ll see, next week) but the stats about how the New York City has changed since 2000 struck me
 
The population grew by more than 134,000 from 2000 to 2005, the city’s latest Planning Department calculations show. In that time, 645,416 babies were born and 304,773 people died. A half-million more people came from other countries than departed for them, and 800,000 more people left for the 50 states than came wide-eyed from them.
 
So net net, we are up 134,000 from 2000 to 2005.
 
But the “stable” population is up 340,000 (births minus deaths).
 
The City actually lost a net of 800,000 within the United States (that many more people left NYC for other parts of the US, including the ‘burbs I guess) – which is a huge swing. (I wonder if that kind of swing is ‘normal’ – that’s 10% in just five years.)
 
But we aware up 500,000 in “trade” to and from other countries. So the City became substantially more “foreign” in just five years.
 
To put that in some perspective:
 
The population increase of 134,000 is more than the total population of Hartford CT.
 
The total births (645,416) is more than the total population of Baltimore.
 
The number of people who died (304,773) is more than the total population of St. PaulMN.
 
The net foreign population increase of 500,000 is more than the total population of Atlanta.
 
The net domestic population decrease of 800,000 is more than the total population of San Francisco.
 
WOW! This is one big city! (add your own d’oh!!! here)
 
(population figures over 500,000 and under 305,000 taken from Info Please.
 
© Sandy Mattingly 2006
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Sep. 5, 2006 - nothing stays the same / Stuyvesant Town before and (soon to be) after

 
two perspectives on Stuyvesant Town
The Times ran two nice Op-Ed pieces on Sunday in “The City” section that come from two directions at the recent news that Met Life is putting the 100+ buildings of Stuyvesant Town and Peter Cooper Village up for sale.
 
One is a mostly personal story, tinged with nostalgia and an (admittedly) snobbish attitude. The other puts the news n a broader social and political context. Especially in tandem, they are perfect fodder for the view that nothing stays the same in Manhattan. Deal with it!
 
one prof has a personal perspective of loss of “an original vibrant community”
Corinne Demas is a professor at Mount Holyoke who published a memoir about growing up in Stuy Town from 1948-68. “I was a Stuyvesant Town snob: splendidly middle class, admirably unpretentious.”
She talks about the application process and the long waiting lists, she rues the creation of the “two class community” that resulted from some apartments being modernized and rented at market rates, and the mourns the loss of community that will result as market forces tear at these complexes:
 
The coming sale of StuyvesantTown and Peter Cooper spells the dismantlement of what’s left of the original vibrant community — one based on shared values and priorities. Luxury apartments can provide renters with a host of amenities (both real and imagined) but community is one amenity money can’t buy.
The transformation of these two complexes with their 110 apartment buildings is unfortunate for the thousands of residents who will eventually lose their apartments, and for the thousands of young families who will lose their dream of ever living there. But the implications are also sad for the City of New York. StuyvesantTown was the middle-class heart of the city, a utopia from the 1950’s that exists nowhere else.
 
did the Times set her up?
Nice piece, well written. But I wonder if Ms. Demas feels sandbagged, being paired with the piece by Samuel Zipp, a professor at UC Irvine who has written about the history of urban renewal in Manhattan.
 
Mr. Zipp starts his story at an earlier time than Ms. Demas’ personal memoir, when there were 18 blocks of tenements, storefronts and warehouses in this “Gas House District” (so-named after the many gas storage and distribution facilities nearby). This neighborhood was “little different from the area to its south that we today call the EastVillage” (note that there is a huge Con Ed plant that survives, just north of Alphabet City).
 
one prof sees market forces causing change, not for the better – again – but no nostalgia
Stuy Town was to charge about twice the rents then prevailing, rents that only 3% of the neighborhood’s families would be able to afford.
 
Residents of the area [a “polyglot collection of European immigrants and their children”] rose to defend their homes, but their protests largely fell on deaf ears. The promise of StuyvesantTown was just too alluring. The neighborhood had problems — run-down and abandoned buildings, the stench and danger of the gas works — but clearance also dispersed the relations of kinship, friendship and commerce that come to characterize a neighborhood.
 
And, of course, Met Life planned for StuyTown to be all-white. While the complex was officially desegregated in 1952 after long protests, it took twenty years for there to be a significant black population.
 
In Zipp’s telling, the success of Stuyvesant Town and Peter Cooper Village inspired the urban renewal projects of the 1950s and 1960s that,
 
[w]ith a few exceptions, …  served to reinforce already existing patterns of racial segregation. They reclaimed desirable real estate for white-collar institutions and provided bastions of middle-class urban living for primarily white populations.
 
Demas has fond memories of life in the enclave. Zipp sees its broader costs:
 
As the urban renewal projects inspired by StuyvesantTown obliterated acre after acre of working-class, black and Puerto Rican neighborhoods, New Yorkers came to feel these losses more deeply. By the mid-1960’s, few were willing to countenance the kind of destruction StuyvesantTown had required.
 
Zipp can also see that changing the character of this complex will be another loss, but one with a legacy that deserves to be remembered:
 
Stuyvesant Town has always been a pleasant refuge from the city. Many of its residents fought, over the years, to make it a more inclusive place. We are right to rue the loss of this city institution — there’s no doubt that we are all the poorer for it. But however congenial life in Stuyvesant Town has been for those lucky enough to live there, the project’s less savory legacy should not be forgotten.
 
In his telling, Zipp sees Stuy Town as the victim of the same kind of Manhattan market forces that generated its creation in the first place:
 
Having begun its life as the state-of-the-art method for supplanting working-class neighborhoods with middle-class apartment towers and white-collar institutions, Stuyvesant Town will end up as a victim of a newer, less abrupt and violent version of the very forces of urban change it helped unleash more than 50 years ago.
in Manhattan, not all “change” is “progress”, just inevitable
The prewar Gas House District begat a middle class enclave for white families in the postwar period. In the immediate area, that new pattern of housing spurred retail and other services along First Avenue, and probably has something to do with the (eventual) gentrification of that part of the East Village known as Alphabet City, whose grittier days are memorialized in “Rent” and a wave of other ‘80s and ‘90s nostalgia.
 
Now, as enough apartments in the complex leave the rent regulation system, Met Life sees an opportunity to try to sell for $5 billion.
 
That prospect causes some people to celebrate “back in the day” and to (without irony) rue the very processes of change that created their idyll in the first place. Others rue, but calculate costs and benefits differently
 
Plus ca change….
 
© Sandy Mattingly 2006
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Aug. 1, 2006 - The other side of the illegal loft story / conflicts with industrial policy

 
As a follow-up to my July 19 blog about the potential benefits from living illegally in non-residential space (such as living rent-free), there was a terrific item last week on Brownstoner.com about the tension between the City’s industrial development policy and encroaching residential-ism, and a related ironic piece in the Post  about the Business Improvement District headquarters for the Fashion District being unable (so far) to move into new space because the BID is not a qualifying manufacturing use.
 
Remember those 3 guys living rent-free?
My blog piece focused on the peculiar only-in-New-York-kids aspect to the three guys who stopped paying rent for the space they lived in, then the landlord being unable to easily evict them because he had knowingly rented it out illegally as residential space. There was some discussion in the underlying Village Voice piece about the reasons some areas and some buildings are not suitable as legal residences, but that was a footnote to their main point.
 
But the Brownstoner.com blog and the Post article highlight the direct issue of the conflict between competing residential and other uses of land in the city. Brownstoner lays out the issues in Brooklyn, which are the same as for anywhere in Manhattan, although some of the sources he links to won’t apply to Manhattan.
 
How to preserve some manufacturing or industrial sites?
On the one hand, there is a continuing need for *some* manufacturing / industrial space – even in Manhattan -- and the City has a legitimate interest in preserving facilities to retain those jobs and firms, rather than permitting zoning changes or variances to permit residential development.
 
The jobs and firms that could survive have their natural habitats shrunk or eliminated when (especially luxury) residential development is created nearby. Consider the Meatpacking District, and the reaction of new condo owners who have paid $x,000,000 to live in a neighborhood in which 18 wheel trailers block streets and sidewalks, and in which guys in long coats (formerly white, now stained red) hose down the sidewalks under carcass conveyors. (Or consider the poor souls at 44 Laight Street in Tribeca, who moved into a historic district without sidewalks but with cobblestones, who now find it hard to walk safely, let alone push strollers or shovel snow.)
 
Some folks prefer their grit quiet and tame
Although part of the “charm” of some loft neighborhoods includes the elements of authentic urban industrial ‘grit’, when commercial trash haulers blare back-up sounds and their hydraulics lift and bang trash bins at 4 AM in an area that includes high end apartments, there is bound to be conflict. Lately, the residential market is so strong that it has been pushing aggressively into formerly off-limits areas.
 
In contrast, much of the residential loft development in the 1970s and 1980s in Soho and Tribeca was more ‘bottom-up’ encroachment, as the residential buildings filled in where industry had already vacated, where blocks were nearly deserted.
 
Lafayette Street is probably an example of both trends – ten years ago some businesses vacated, and residential usage filled in the gap. More recently, residential developers have bought usable industrial buildings out from under commercial tenants.
 
Bless the Mayor
The Mayor, bless his corporate heart and business head (really), sees this issue for the complex one that it is -- and probably more fraught in Brooklyn than in Manhattan. I recommend the Brownstoner piece, and his blog generally.
 
The irony of the Post article is that the West 30s have stringent zoning and usage requirements to ‘preserve’ space for needle trades. In this case, the regs are an obstacle to a Business Improvement District – formed to assist the Fashion Industry in that neighborhood – cannot move its offices because the desired space is in a building reserved for industrial use. I gather that many people feel that the amount of reserved space vastly exceeds even a hopeful renaissance of needle trade firms, so the BID (and its allies) argue that the Preserve The Needle Trades regs should be revised in their case.
 
Gotta love the irony!
 
 
© Sandy Mattingly 2006
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Jul. 18, 2006 - The strange case of the rent-free loft / the dicey math of illegal lofts

 
Fascinating piece in the Village Voice about the peculiar oh-so-New-York dance that can happen when a landlord accepts residential tenants into a non-residential building. Among other things, landlords are severely restricted in using the courts to collect rent or to evict tenants for non-payment of rent. On the other hand, tenants have limited rights in court to enforce minimal residential standards for heat, safety or services.
 
I thought I knew most of what has been going on, and I remember what it was like in the ‘early loft’ era in Manhattan, but I was definitely surprised by the concept of tactically free rent in illegally residential buildings.
 
It might suit only a specific lifestyle
The three roommate sin the Voice article got upset when the landlord tried to raise the rent $40 a month. When they – first – refused to pay the higher rent, and then stopped paying rent completely … silence ensured.
 
After a year of leaking roofs, soaked furniture, and a locked freight elevator that was only occasionally available for use, the landlord raised their monthly rent from $1,850 to $1,890. "As musicians living on the fourth floor, we need the elevator [to move our equipment]," says Jamal Ruhe. "So that was a primary instigator in our being pissed enough to risk getting thrown out of our apartment." The roommates balked at the thought of paying even more for their crumbling space and decided that they would neither sign the new lease nor acknowledge the rent increase. They waited for the building manager to say something, but as Jamal Ruhe recalls, "Nothing happened, and by nothing I mean nothing at all. Not a tenuous nothing, no word from anyone. And that went on for the better part of the year."
 
Eventually they figured out something important about NYC rent law:
 
But after conducting a little research, Jamal Ruhe began to understand the silence. Apartment buildings that have at least three residential units must be registered as a multiple dwelling and must have a certificate of occupancy for residential use—a difficult-to-obtain piece of paperwork. If landlords don't have those documents, as was the case at 170 Tillary, they can neither compel tenants to pay rent nor evict them for nonpayment.
 
Only in New York kids, only in New York
Can this happen anywhere else? I hope not….
 
The roommates in the Voice knowingly lived in a space that was a fire trap, that leaked, where the elevator did not often work – let alone that lacked the other “niceties” of the residential building code that did not protect them. On a personal level, they figured it was worth it for free rent.
 
They figured out that the landlord could not easily sue for eviction for non-payment of rent because it was not a legal residence. But they also knew that they could not sure to enforce any ‘usual’ residential prerogatives – like heat.
 
For the landlord, apparently it works – until it doesn’t. Once tenants figure out the landlord is a bit hamstrung, they can – and seemingly do – often simply stop paying rent and wait.
 
Not a lifestyle that will appeal to a lot of tenants, and not a cash flow or liability profile that will appeal to a lot of landlords.
 
What does the City care?
Once renters stop paying rent, one has to assume they figure they feel they are getting a better deal than if they moved into a place that they actually paid for. Theoretically, they can make the mature decision about risk allocation and – to be in total bad taste -- to leave it to their heirs and assigns to bring a wrongful death lawsuit if the worst happens.
 
Apparently, this is not a big priority for City housing regulators.
 
"Usually nothing happens" after a case like this, says April Newbauer, attorney in charge at Legal Aid's civil practice in Queens. "We see the same units being rented out over and over. It could go on indefinitely like that. It is not an individual judge's job to become a whistle-blower for future cases."
 
When manufacturing or industrial loft buildings became illegal residences, the space available for businesses shrinks – not necessarily a good thing.
 
Illegal loft apartments are increasingly part of the scenery in many industrial areas of Brooklyn—including DUMBO, Williamsburg, and Bushwick—as demand from manufacturer tenants has fallen. In fact, some housing lawyers estimate that there are hundreds of illegally converted loft buildings in Brooklyn. In East Williamsburg alone, the New York Industrial Retention Network (NYIRN) identified 27 illegally converted loft buildings in an industrial park. The NYIRN, a nonprofit that promotes economic development, is hoping to prevent more illegal conversions and preserve space for manufacturing….
 
But when people need places to live and spaces are under-utilized by business, there is an opportunity for owners and renters to accommodate each other. Who is exploiting whom? If rent is id for “substandard” living space, maybe it is the owner who takes unfair advantage. When it is the renter who stops paying rent, maybe the owner is the screw-ee.
 
This is yet another example of a dynamic city re-inventing itself (sometimes, block by block) as times change.
 
How did it end?
For those paying really close attention, this case from the Voice ended with some money changing hands from the landlord to the tenants. The landlord was in the Second Judicial Department (Queens and Brooklyn), is gained the right to sue to evict in a more summary proceeding than landlords in the First Judicial Department (Manhattan and the Bronx).
 
Let’s close with another savvy renter quote:
 
"Do you pay someone an astronomical amount of rent just to have a roof over your head, or do you pay for a certain amount of safety, or do you pay for convenience? Because we haven't had any safety or convenience living here."
 
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Jul. 7, 2006 - dynamic city / time runs out on a stripped Tiffany’s

 

Here is the second of two posts inspired by Sunday’s NY Times that got me thinking about how dynamic New York City is.

 

From champagne to jewels

Sunday’s Real Estate section carried a piece about an ugly building on Union Square West, six blocks due west along 15th Street from the new Moet HQ.

 

Who knew that this spare white building began life in 1870 as the flagship of Tiffany & Company, jewelers and was a “monster [cast] iron building”?

 

The Times [in 1870] called the new building a "palace of jewels," with black-walnut counters and ebony cases holding watches, fans, opera glasses and other articles in wood, leather, silver, cloisonné, enamel, bronze and rosewood. The Times observed that one ornamental statue, " 'Zingerilla,' by the Spanish sculptor Klessinger, appears almost ready to speak to her admirers."

 

Tiffany’s stayed for only 35 years before moving uptown (to 37th Street and Fifth Avenue) and the building became a home for garment companies. By 1925 the building was owned by Amalgamated Bank, which had been formed by the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, one of many trade unions located (coincidentally?) around Union Square (the square was named for the federal union – The United States).

 

An accident and a careful architect

How did this “elaborate” cast-iron building turn into the “blocky white blob of a building” it has been?

 

It was an accident, literally.

 

A piece of iron fell from the façade in 1952, leading to the death of the unfortunate pedestrian it landed on. The Amalgamated Bank hired a thorough architect to “make sure” that such an accident never recurred. Which this careful architect did by stripping away every projecting piece of iron from the façade and encasing the shell in white brick.

 

Since then, the bank has been just one part of the polyglot assortment of Union Square's architecture, which mixes Romanesque, Queen Anne, Federal, postmodern and other styles

 

This polyglot of styles persisted through the decline of the Union Square area as the City’s fortunes waned across the Board in the 1970s, and the square was a place to avoid at night (and sometimes during the day). The coming of the greenmarket and restaurateur Danny Meyer in the 1980s began the upswing in fortunes. I believe Meyer deserves much of the credit for marshalling property owners around the square to pressure the City for better police and sanitation services. His Union Square Café became a big social and gustatory hit, which increased the attention paid to the area, and resulted in the last few years in major improvements to the square. (A personal note: I vividly recall the street reconstruction projects being well under way on September 11, 2001, as I walked through the square just before 9 AM that Tuesday, just after the first plane had flown low and loud over my head, heading south.)

 

(Bless Meyer also for similar work he did on marshalling corporate neighbors in cleaning up Madison Square a few years ago, where his 11 Madison and Tabla sit.)

 

But I digress….

 

A predictable but dynamic change

The next act for the boring white brick bank building that used to be an elaborate cast-iron jewelry firm is clear, at least for this structure. Given the zoning and the general market, when the bank sells the building (as it has begun to do) it is likely to be torn down to be replaced by a condominium tower.

From luxury jewelry to ladies underwear to a union bank to the inevitable condo, in four acts spanning about 140 years. Maybe that is not so dynamic a series of changes, after all....

 

© Sandy Mattingly 2006
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Jul. 7, 2006 - dynamic city / champagne in a cookie building

 

Two pieces in Sunday’s NY Times got me thinking about how dynamic New York City is. I suppose that other cities are similarly dynamic, but the relative age, breadth and range of the City, and its sharp geographic boundaries, probably make NYC – and especially Manhattanmore dynamic.

 

Here’s the first one.

 

The business section ran an article about the new HQ of Moet Hennessy, on the second floor of a 1914 building that used to house the National Biscuit Company (better known as Nabisco) between Tenth and Eleventh Avenues (address is 85 Tenth Av, from 15th to 16th Streets). Anyone who has driven down West Street in this area has probably noticed the “National Biscuit Company” sign on the west side of the building. I don’t know the history, but given the proximity to the Hudson River piers and access to that Holland and Lincoln Tunnels to New Jersey, it was probably a warehouse or distribution facility.

 

Like many such buildings in this far west corridor, it has almost certainly been significantly under-utilized of late. Back when the elevated Westside Highway ran above West Street (before it was closed in the 1970s because it was literally falling apart) this area was dark, noisy, dirty and dangerous. Back when the docks were in full commercial flower (until the early 1950s), this area was probably also filled with the ancillary businesses that catered to maritime commerce and sailors, including bars, flophouses and whore houses.

 

But the container cargo ships moved the commercial shipping hub across the river to New Jersey (the mob-controlled longshoreman and stevedoring unions didn’t help) in the 1950s and 1960s and the general decline of the city in the 1960s and 1970s left this far west side of Manhattan a bleak stretch between the genteel West Village and Chelsea.

 

Then the neighborhood just to the south, across 14th Street, went from being a neighborhood of wholesale meat and provisioning companies in the early 1990s to “The Meatpacking District” (in which very little grocery meat is packed, but boutiques and condos thrive) at the turn of the century.

 

Which made it easier for creeping change to creep across 14th Street, first to create the climate in which the Chelsea Market thrived, then to engulf the old National Biscuit Company building.

 

The Times article describes this building as “at the edge” of the Meatpacking District (though I would quibble that this District does not cross 14th Street; this should be part of Chelsea) and describes the nearby neighbors as including: Del Posto, CraftSteak and Morimoto restaurants; the Gansevoort Hotel; Soho House, a private club; and the Food Network (nearly all of which are above 14th Street). For Moet Hennessy, this location is ideal because it allows the sales and marketing people for their champagne, spirits and cognac brands to walk to clients.

 

But it is the unidentified near neighbors that make this area dynamic: mid-block small-scale apartment buildings just to the east on up to 22nd Street, the venerable General Theological Seminary (whose bell tower charms passersby both visibly and aurally) between Ninth and Tenth at 20th and 21st Streets, the Maritime Hotel (in a building that housed Covenant House, a social services agency, most recently but whose porthole windows hint at its history as a longshoreman’s union headquarters) and the buildings managed by the NYC Housing Authority.

 

The fragile mix of low and moderate income housing in the corridor above 14th Street west of Ninth Avenue now sits cheek by jowl to the creeping deluxe living represented by the Maritime Hotel and the new restaurants. Increasingly, bodegas, grocers and similar retail establishments struggle to afford the higher rents that the increasingly fashionable neighborhood can command.

 

The ongoing attempt by the Seminary to renovate and to raise money by building a tower have focused attention on the scale of this neighborhood, and its mix of low-income residents, "middle-class" (or its Manhattan equivalents) and high-end gentrifiers. According to The Villager, the Seminary and its business partners have scaled back to a 13 story condominium tower, which is still too tall to many residents: That fight in this dynamic neighborhood continues.

 

The Villager has run a series of articles about the Seminary plans, as well as this one “Chelsea 2025”, a brainstorming session about changes in Chelsea and its future.

 

© Sandy Mattingly 2006
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